Russia’s system of governance is described as “managed democracy” (with the management, naturally, carried out by the Kremlin); this entails vast presidential power and few political surprises, and the elections will bring no changes to this system, reports the BBC.
Steve Rosenberg, a journalist with the BBC’s Russian service, concludes that the upcoming weekend elections will likely result in yet another parliament dominated by “United Russia.” Critics argue that the elections are neither free nor fair, yet the Kremlin is unconcerned by such criticism. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov recently stated that Russia has its own political system and political process. While this implies the Kremlin will face no unexpected twists, it does not mean there is nothing to report about the elections.
The election of the 450 deputies to the lower house of parliament—the State Duma—is a matter of importance to the Kremlin. These are the first elections since the start of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The Kremlin intends to use the elections to demonstrate that the majority of Russian citizens support the dictator Putin and the war. Efforts will also be made to advance the political careers of war veterans; reports indicate that nearly 200 participants in the war are running as candidates. The election campaign has brought a few surprises. A debate for candidates in the 158th electoral district did not take place because none of the six candidates showed up. In another televised debate, one candidate sang his opening statement, chanting about the Communist Party and its advocacy for the people. The overall scene was more reminiscent of The X Factor than a political debate. At the same time, the musical approach seemed fitting, given that in the previous Duma convocation, everyone appeared to be singing from the same songbook. During the outgoing parliament’s final session in July, deputies rose to their feet and applauded as the words “Russia, Putin, victory!” were repeatedly chanted over the loudspeakers.
It was a signal: all deputies must support Putin and the war.
Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Communist Party, proudly told Rosenberg that all parties in the Duma had voted in favor of 170 laws designed to support the “special military operation.” He emphasized that there was total unanimity on this issue.
Rosenberg met Zyuganov again during the election campaign at a bread and biscuit factory outside Moscow. Observing the identical loaves of bread, the journalist thought about the Russian parliament. It is not that all parties in the Duma are identical; some are more nationalistic, while others—like Zyuganov’s Communists—are more left-leaning. Yet, when it comes to supporting Kremlin initiatives and the war, they all vote the same way. Such “systemic parties” form the foundation of the Kremlin-centered political machine.
What happens if a party does not support the war? One such party, Yabloko, calls for a ceasefire. In July, it was the only party registered for the elections that opposed the war in Ukraine. Twelve days later, the Russian Supreme Court barred it from participating in the elections. This ban is widely interpreted as a sign that
the Kremlin is worried an anti-war message might capture the attention of Russian voters.
Despite the party’s exclusion from the elections, some Yabloko candidates are continuing to run as independent politicians. Indeed, in recent weeks, an increasing number of candidates from the Yabloko party have been detained and barred from participating in the elections. One candidate told Rosenberg that the police are carrying out political orders—something that is no secret. In this way, the authorities are setting the boundaries within which they believe the elections should remain. It is well known that the demand to end the bloodshed in Ukraine is highly popular and that the majority of Russians desire peace; Yabloko helped give voice to this sentiment. This is precisely why the party was excluded from the electoral lists, and why grounds were found to bar individual candidates from participating as well.
Russian authorities insist that the elections are transparent and fair. Critics of the elections point to opposition politicians who have been forced into exile or imprisoned. Grigory Melkonyants was convicted of cooperating with an “undesirable organization,” and his election monitoring group, Golos, was shut down.
In Dmitrov, less than a hundred kilometers from Moscow, Rosenberg observed few signs that elections were approaching. A memorial to the “heroes” of the “special military operation” has been erected in the city center; these are locals who fell in Ukraine. The war is on the mind of every resident in the city. The son-in-law of a local resident named Olga is fighting in Ukraine, and she said that the elections would not affect future events.
Another resident of Dmitrov said she would like to live in a peaceful country, free from war,
so she wouldn’t have to worry about a drone potentially crashing on her doorstep.
Russians have other concerns as well. Ukrainian strikes on oil refineries have caused widespread fuel shortages, and economic pressure is mounting. A hairdresser mentioned his concern that no matter how much he earns, it is not enough; prices are rising faster than wages.
Hopes that the elections might bring change are slim. A politician from the Yabloko party explained that elections in Western countries and elections in Russia are completely different processes. In the West, elections are a way to form a government that can subsequently be replaced if voters are dissatisfied. In Russia, elections never result in a change of government. At best, they serve as a way to send a message, but power in Russia has never changed hands because of an election. That is simply how things are.
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