Serbian activist Marko Marjanović was on his way back from a store in Belgrade when masked police officers forced him into a vehicle and took him to the basement of a police station. There, he was held in a cell for two days under bright, constant lighting—and this was not the first time he had encountered police aggression, reports Reuters.Marjanović is a popular social media commentator in Serbia and a vocal, long-standing opponent of Aleksandar Vučić, who has dominated the country’s leadership. Just days before being placed in the cell, the activist had been beaten by police during anti-government protests. Both Marjanović and his lawyer describe these events as a campaign to silence him.As former Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić seeks to secure the position of Prime Minister in the elections—thereby maintaining his grip on power—interviews with activists, student protesters, and opposition politicians paint a picture of an increasingly authoritarian Balkan nation. Critics of the government frequently face threats, press freedom is in decline, and corruption is on the rise. Marjanović, who has experienced prolonged bans on posting content to social media, stated that corruption is rampant and a great deal of value has been destroyed—and that someone must be held accountable.Vučić and his party have consistently denied allegations of repression and corruption.Vučić now faces his greatest political challenge since coming to power. A student-led protest movement—which gained momentum in 2024 following the collapse of a canopy at the Novi Sad railway station, an incident that claimed 16 lives—has now fielded 250 candidates for the election. Polls suggest that the student movement is running neck and neck with Vučić’s SNS party.Dragan Popović, head of the Center for Practical Policy, noted that never before during the SNS’s time in power has there been such a well-organized pro-democratic opposition; he added that as the threat to Vučić grows, so too does the tension.After serving as Minister of Information in the late 1990s, Vučić broke away from the ultra-nationalist Serbian Radical Party; he now emphasizes his desire for the country to join the European Union. However, Serbia’s prospects are dimming. In the 2026 Press Freedom Index, Serbia ranked 104th out of 180 countries—the lowest position the nation has ever held, and the lowest in the EU-Balkan region. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index, Serbia’s scores were at their lowest point in two decades.Data from Reporters Without Borders indicates that six Serbian journalists are living in exile due to politically motivated attacks; two of them left the country this year. Figures from the non-governmental media organization, the Slavko Ćuruvija Foundation, show that in the first nine months of this year, Vučić verbally attacked journalists and media outlets at least 182 times. Vučić has denied intimidating the media, pointing out that he has not shut down any media organizations.Meanwhile, experienced journalists say that the situation is only getting worse. Veran Matić, who heads a commission responsible for the safety of journalists, was attacked by a young man in June; the assailant took the phone Matić was using to film protests. Matić has also been subjected to verbal abuse on the street. He blames the violence on Vučić, who has publicly condemned the criticism voiced by Matić. Matić told Reuters that hardly a day or week goes by without attacks—not only against him, but against many other journalists as well.Watchdog organizations have noted that the student movement and other prominent opponents of Vučić are also being targeted by cyberattacks. In September, the digital rights group SHARE reported that at least 14 individuals had been targeted by sophisticated spyware. Jelena Kontić, a participant in the protests, recounted that in March she received a notification from Apple stating that the Pegasus spyware might have been installed on her phone. Subsequent checks confirmed this. Kontić explained that this meant those who installed the software had access to her entire life: they knew when she exercised, slept, ate, and drank water—including exactly how much water she consumed and what she ate. Serbia’s Security Information Agency has dismissed claims of state involvement as “trivial sensationalism,” and Ana Brnabić, the acting president of Serbia, stated that no one is spying on the student movement. Officials from the Ministry of Internal Affairs have also rejected accusations of cyber-espionage.However, Kontić is not the only victim of cyberattacks. Two figures from the Serbian opposition have recently been targeted by cyber-espionage tools. While Reuters could not confirm who was responsible for the attacks, the Israeli firm NSO Group—the developer of Pegasus—has stated that it sells the software exclusively to governments.The most visible security threats occur on the streets, where, according to protesters, the police frequently employ brutal force, even against peaceful demonstrations. Dusan Radović, a 26-year-old architect, recounted that last August, he was helping a fellow protester get up when police officers began beating the individual with batons. He described being surrounded by ten officers who beat him, spat on him, and, at one point, even stepped on his head. He was then pulled back to his feet, only to be beaten again until he collapsed once more. The beating was captured on video, the authenticity of which has been verified by Reuters. Radović was among the 25 people severely beaten that night; some of them were minors. It took two months before he was able to walk without a limp. A report by independent forensic expert Đorđe Alempijević states that the injuries sustained by the victims were not isolated incidents or the result of necessary self-defense by the police, but rather point to a clear, organized, and systematic pattern of police brutality.
the reality in Serbia ahead of elections
