One week from now – on the 3rd of June – it will be decided whether Latvia will be elected to the UN Security Council for the 2026–2027 term. This goal has been 14 years in the making, and membership in this institution would be one of the most significant instruments for advancing Latvia’s foreign policy interests. What are Latvia’s chances of being elected a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, which countries support the bid, and what are the plans ahead? BNN spoke with Ambassador-at-Large Andrejs Pildegovičs, head of the Secretariat for Latvia’s UN Security Council candidacy.
Is there any unfinished homework Latvia needs to complete before the 3rd of June vote at the UN General Assembly? Or can we head to New York with a sense of a job well done?
We are hopeful and expect to gain the necessary number of votes. As you know, this is a secret ballot, and a candidate country needs two-thirds of the votes from present and eligible member states. There are 193 member states in the UN, so 129 votes are required. However, it’s possible that some countries will not be eligible to vote due to unpaid membership fees or other factors, such as being absent.
Latvia is running for the first time, and our aim is to gather support across all regional groups. We are part of the Eastern European Group, but Security Council members are elected by the General Assembly – essentially the world’s parliament. We are working to gain more than the necessary two-thirds support – ideally, we’d like to secure an absolute majority. We are not seeking support from the aggressor state Russia or its satellites such as Belarus, North Korea, and Nicaragua. Nor are we lobbying the Taliban or the military junta in Myanmar. During our campaign, we emphasize our values, principles, and vision and avoid lobbying states that blatantly violate the UN Charter.
Is Latvia seeking support from countries like the Socialist Republic of Cuba?
We have diplomatic relations with Cuba. We’ve informed them about our candidacy and asked for their support.
Have we approached Slovakia, whose leader Robert Fico’s plane was recently denied entry into Latvian airspace on its way to the 9th of May parade in Russia?
We have informed all European countries, including Slovakia, about how Russia tries to monopolize the victory over Nazism and distort historical facts. We still consider Slovakia a member of the EU and NATO – their armed forces have a contingent in Ādaži, and Slovakia has an embassy in Riga. While we may differ with the current Slovak prime minister on historical matters, support for Ukraine, or sanctions, we continue to work with the country.
Given that Latvia is the only candidate from Eastern Europe, is it still possible to fall short of the two-thirds vote?
That would be a rare occurrence. I’m not aware of any such cases, but we will continue our campaign right up to election day – it’s technically possible to submit a candidacy even on the day of the vote. In politics, surprises happen. We are not resting on our laurels and are already preparing for our work in the Security Council. If elected, we’ll start receiving documents from the 1st of August, begin shadowing Council meetings from the 1st of October, and commence full-fledged work on the 1st of January next year for a two-year term. Foreign Minister Baiba Braže also plans to travel to New York a few days before the vote. Our diplomatic activity hasn’t slowed – not even after Montenegro withdrew its candidacy at the end of January.
Montenegro’s withdrawal was unexpected. Were there no indications within diplomatic circles?
It was unexpected for us as well. Montenegro’s politicians and diplomats had been determined to compete. However, they did give us informal notice before their public announcement. Their main reason was prioritizing EU accession – they aim to become the 28th EU member by 2028. With limited resources and staff, they chose to withdraw from the Security Council race. I think they recognized and respected Latvia’s focused and effective campaign and chose to reapply for a future term.
Montenegrin diplomat Željko Perović stated that supporting a Security Council campaign requires enormous effort and that Montenegro demonstrated serious carelessness. As cdm.me reports. Your response?
As a Latvian diplomat, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on Montenegro’s internal politics or priorities. Both paths – the Security Council and EU accession – are resource-intensive and require diplomatic mobilization and political will. For small, relatively young states, managing both simultaneously is challenging.
I can draw a parallel: about 20 years ago, Latvia had declared its Security Council candidacy but withdrew in 2002 to prioritize joining NATO and the EU. We didn’t want to compete with Slovakia at that time. Montenegro did something similar. We don’t regret our decision – being elected is not enough; it’s about being effective and results-driven. Today, we are experienced and mature, with 20 years in NATO and the EU, and strong EU cooperation mechanisms. We’re well-prepared.
Do we know which countries will vote for or against us in the General Assembly?
We’ve received a significant number of pledges – I can’t give an exact number, but it’s in the triple digits. This reflects years of work and gives us hope for a positive outcome.
Unofficially, Ukraine had previously promised its vote to Montenegro. Now that Montenegro has withdrawn, can we count on Ukraine’s support?
Ukraine supports us, and we support Ukraine.
You mentioned Latvia does not lobby the aggressor state Russia or its satellites. Still, is Russia actively trying to undermine Latvia’s chances?
Yes. A few months ago, we saw Russia try to block Latvia’s election to the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, both in Vienna and New York. There have been disinformation campaigns, smear attempts, direct accusations, threats of legal action – all quite frequent. Russia sows distrust in Latvia and spreads negativity about international diplomacy in general. We’ve seen it clearly in recent months.
Could Russia incite a country to submit a last-minute candidacy in the Eastern European group just to block Latvia?
I can’t rule out provocations. Russia may be trying to influence Global South countries or its clients and satellites. We’ve seen such behaviour before, and I don’t expect it to stop.
Still, Latvia seems to have all the necessary prerequisites for election.
I believe so. Over the past 34 years, many Latvian diplomats, legal experts, and ministry representatives have made strong contributions at the UN. For example, Valts Ernštreits, Director of the University of Latvia’s Livonian Institute, was recently elected to the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, defeating a Russian candidate. Latvian soldiers are serving in UN missions – a full platoon is currently deployed on the Israel–Lebanon border. Our government recently contributed 20 000 euros to the UN demining fund.
Through our principled stance on impunity, Russian aggression, cybersecurity, and combating disinformation—including AI-generated disinformation—Latvia has become respected and recognized. We’re seen as a small country that many sympathize with, and one of the 60 or so countries that have never served on the Security Council. There’s a popular belief that every country deserves a turn. Now it’s Latvia’s opportunity—and we must seize it.
Let’s not forget: Latvia won’t be alone in the Security Council opposing Russia. In 2026, three EU countries—Denmark, Greece, and France—will also be members. Including the UK, we’ll have five out of fifteen votes from the “European Five.” We’ll have intense talks with our strategic partner, the U.S., with Colombia and Panama from Latin America, Bahrain and Pakistan from Asia, and Liberia, Somalia, and the DRC from Africa.
By seeking a seat on the Security Council, Latvia is stepping out of its comfort zone—beyond the Baltics, Europe, and NATO. But in today’s changing global order, with new principles and interpretations of international law, it’s vital that Latvia has a seat at the table. This is more than attending conferences—it’s about active participation in diplomacy aimed at conflict resolution, sanctions, and peacekeeping.
Can diplomatic tools help end Russia’s aggression?
Of course, diplomacy will proceed in parallel to the war. One does not replace the other. We are diplomats, not soldiers, but ultimately, all wars end in political processes.
Our goal regarding Russian aggression is to ensure Ukraine remains on the Security Council’s agenda. With over 60 topics on the agenda and every country pushing its own interests, we must keep Ukraine in focus—whether it’s humanitarian issues, children’s or women’s rights, accountability, nuclear safety, demining, environmental crimes, prisoner exchanges, or territorial integrity. We aim to present all of these issues clearly and effectively to the global community.
There are eight billion people in the world and many crises vying for attention. But we must prevent Russia’s aggression from rewriting the UN Charter.